• Entering the Teacher Pipeline
• Working in Schools and Classrooms
• Leaving or Stopping Out
• Plans Regarding Teaching in the Future
• Summary
• References

First-time teachers are a large source of newly hired teachers for both public and private schools, accounting for 53 percent of new hires in public schools and 42 percent in private schools in 1990-91. In particular, one-third of new hires in public schools and one-fifth of new hires in private schools entered teaching straight out of college. Another 20 percent of both public and private school new hires were college graduates who had been doing other work between graduating from college and becoming teachers (Rollefson and Broughman 1995). Thus, new graduates are an important source of the teacher supply, and the rate at which they become teachers is important to those who staff U.S. classrooms.

Which new college graduates become teachers, however? Persistent discrepancies between the demographics of the teacher and student populations—with teachers considerably less likely than students to be of racial/ethnic minority backgrounds—concern some parents, educators, and policymakers. Currently, there is limited empirical evidence regarding the question of whether student achievement would improve if teacher demographics more closely resembled student demographics. However, some researchers have identified teachers who have been particularly effective with African-American children and have found that they tend " . . . to contextualize teaching, helping students build bridges linking their everyday experiences to new knowledge" (Darling-Hammond, Dilworth, and Bullmaster 1997). Another noted characteristic of these teachers is their tendency to use teaching practices that are consistent with African-American cultural norms (Ladson-Billings 1994). Such researchers argue that increasing the proportion of teachers who have direct knowledge of minority group cultural norms will enhance the achievement of minority children both through their teaching and by informing nonminority teachers' practice.

In addition to the issue of teacher race/ethnicity, policymakers and school administrators at all levels are concerned about the quality of teachers' subject matter knowledge and preparation in pedagogical techniques. Staffing classrooms with teachers who lack preparation in either subject matter or pedagogy may impede progress toward achieving national education goals for student achievement (American Council on Education [ACE] 1999; Murray 1997; National Commission on Teaching and America's Future [NCTAF] 1996, 1997). Researchers have found that teachers' verbal aptitude test scores are associated with their students' verbal achievement (Ehrenberg and Brewer 1995; Ferguson 1998; Ferguson and Ladd 1996) and that teachers' mathematics expertise is associated with their students' mathematics achievement (Monk 1994; Rowan et al. 1997).

However, research conducted in the 1980s and 1990s indicated that college graduates with higher standardized test scores were less likely than lower scoring graduates to teach and that higher scoring graduates who did teach were more likely than their lower scoring counterparts to leave teaching (Murnane et al. 1991; Schlecty and Vance 1983). Research into this issue has continued, with somewhat mixed results (Bruschi and Coley 1999; Gitomer, Latham, and Ziomek 1999). This report describes teachers' preparation in terms of their undergraduate grade-point averages overall and in their major field of study, whether they completed pedagogical training required for teacher certification, the degree to which they studied the academic fields they teach, and their college entrance examination test scores.

This report is the second in a series of reports that follows 1992-93 college graduates' progress through the teacher pipeline using data from the 1993 Baccalaureate and Beyond Longitudinal Study (B&B:1993/1997). The first report, entitled Out of the Lecture Hall and Into the Classroom: 1992-93 College Graduates and Elementary/Secondary School Teaching (Henke, Geis, and Giambattista 1996), focused on graduates' forays into teaching as of 1 year after college graduation.

Like Out of the Lecture Hall, this second report focuses on the academic characteristics and preparation for teaching of those who took various steps toward teaching and is organized by a conceptual "teacher pipeline" that represents a teacher's career. The pipeline includes preparatory activities—considering teaching, student teaching as an undergraduate, becoming certified to teach, applying for teaching jobs—as well as teaching experiences and plans for teaching in the future. The report first examines the rate at which graduates with varying demographic and academic characteristics entered the teacher pipeline and continues by describing the steps that pipeline entrants took toward teaching and the experiences of those who taught. The final section discusses both the rate at which those who had taught since completing the 1992-93 degree had stopped teaching and all pipeline members' expectations for teaching in the future. Future reports will continue to follow this cohort into and out of teaching, studying how many graduates enter the pipeline after 1997, how long those who teach remain in the profession, and whether those who teach and leave return to the classroom later in their working lives.

For some 1992-93 college graduates, the 1992-93 degree was a second bachelor's degree. Among such graduates were those who had prepared to teach or had taught without preparing prior to receiving the 1992-93 degree. For the purposes of this analysis, the 3 percent of graduates who had taught before receiving the degree or had become certified 1 year or more before receiving the degree were excluded from the population of graduates under study. The remaining 97 percent of 1992-93 college graduates, who were eligible to enter the teacher pipeline, are referred to as "graduates" or "bachelor's degree recipients."

Graduates were identified as having entered the teacher pipeline when they reported that they had taught in an elementary or secondary school, had become certified to teach, had applied for a teaching position, or were considering teaching at the time of either the 1994 or the 1997 interview. In 1994, 1 year after completing the 1992-93 degree, one-quarter of 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients had entered the teacher pipeline (figure A). By 1997, 4 years after completing the degree, more than one-third (36 per-cent) had done so. The proportion of graduates who had taught also increased between 1994 and 1997: by 1994, 8 percent of graduates had taught, and by 1997, 13 percent had done so.

As has been true historically (Murnane et al. 1991), men were less inclined than women to enter the pipeline. In addition, Asian/Pacific Islander graduates were less inclined to do so than were graduates of other racial/ethnic backgrounds.

Figure A.—Percentage distribution of pipeline-eligible 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients according to whether they entered the teacher pipeline:1994 and 1997

Graduates who had majored in education were highly likely to enter the pipeline, and the majority had taught: 84 per-cent of education majors had entered the pipeline, and 58 percent of education majors had taught by 1997. About one-fifth to nearly one-half of graduates who had majored in other fields as undergraduates had entered the pipeline.

Graduates whose college entrance examination (CEE) scores fell in the top quartile among 1992-93 college graduates were less likely than those in the bottom quartile to enter the teacher pipeline (32 percent versus 41 percent). In particular, whereas 3 percent of graduates in the top quartile had prepared to teach but not taught, 6 percent of graduates in the bottom quartile had done so. Similarly, 6 percent of graduates in the top quartile had prepared and taught, compared with 12 percent in the bottom quartile.¹ Graduates in the top quartile were about twice as likely as those in the bottom quartile to teach without having prepared, however.

In contrast to the relationships between CEE scores and teaching in this cohort, the pipeline entry rate was positively related to graduates' grade-point averages (GPAs), both cumulative and in their undergraduate majors. Whereas 40 percent of graduates with GPAs of 3.75 or higher, both cumulative and in their majors, entered the pipeline, 32 percent of graduates with GPAs lower than 2.75 did so. Furthermore, graduates with top GPAs were more likely than graduates with GPAs of less than 2.75 to have prepared to teach (whether or not they had taught). This is at least partly a function of differences in GPAs among graduates who had majored in different fields. Education majors, who were more inclined to prepare to teach and actually teach, also had higher undergraduate GPAs, both overall and in their majors, than those who had majored in business/management; mathematics, computer science, or the natural sciences; and the social sciences (Henke, Geis, and Giambattista 1996).

By 1997, 1992-93 college graduates who first taught within 4 years of receiving their bachelor's degree could have taught in several schools, and they were asked about as many as six different schools. Between receiving their bachelor's degrees and the 1997 interview, most (83 percent) had worked only in public schools, far fewer (13 percent) only in private schools, and a small percentage (4 percent) in both public and private schools. Graduates with CEE scores in the top quartile were more likely than those with scores in the bottom quartile to have taught only in private schools (26 percent vs. 10 percent).

Previous research indicates that graduates with higher CEE scores were more likely to have taught only at the secondary level (Gitomer, Latham, and Ziomek 1999), and B&B:1993/1997 data are consistent with those findings. Graduates in the top quartile of scores were more likely than their peers in the bottom quartile to have taught only at the secondary level and less likely to have taught only at the elementary level (figure B). However, grades in college, both overall and within graduates' major fields of study, were not associated with the level at which graduates taught.

Some policy analysts (NCTAF 1996, 1997) have noted that new teachers are more likely than experienced teachers to teach in schools that serve disadvantaged students, and the B&B:1993/1997 data are somewhat consistent with this claim. As of 1993-94, one-fifth of the nation's teachers worked in high-minority-enrollment schools—that is, schools where at least one-half of the enrolled students were of minority backgrounds (Henke et al. 1997). In contrast, the B&B:1993/1997 data indicate that between 1992 and 1997, about one-third of new teachers worked in high-minority-enrollment schools during their most recent semester of teaching. However, although 40 percent of schools serve large concentrations of children who receive free or reduced-price lunch, the B&B:1993/1997 data indicate that 26 percent of 1992-93 graduates taught in schools where at least one-half of the students do so.

Figure B.—Percentage of 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients who had taught only at the elementary or secondary levels since graduation, by college entrance examination (CEE) score quartile*: 1997

Graduates in the top quartile of the CEE score distribution were about one-third as likely as graduates in the bottom quartile to teach mainly general elementary classes. On the other hand, compared with those in the bottom quartile, top-quartile graduates were nearly twice as likely to teach science or mathematics and about four times as likely to teach English.

Among 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients who were teaching full time in their most recent spring semester of teaching, those who taught general elementary classes were responsible for an average of 33 children. About 12 percent of these new full-time general elementary teachers believed their workloads were more difficult than those of other teachers in their schools. Full-time general elementary teachers who had left teaching by April 1997 were not, on average, responsible for more students in their most recent semester of teaching than those who were still teaching. Moreover, as compared with their colleagues who were still teaching in April 1997, those who left were no more likely to report that their workloads were more difficult than those of other teachers in their schools.

Among 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients, those who taught single subjects full time in their most recent semester of teaching taught an average of six periods per day in a total of two subject areas. Those who worked in secondary schools were responsible for an average of 116 students, whereas those who taught in elementary schools were responsible for an average of 91 students. Those who left teaching were responsible for no more students than those who remained in the classroom.

In general, single-subject teachers (for example, secondary English, mathematics, or music teachers) were more likely than general elementary teachers to report that their workloads were more difficult than those of other teachers in their school. However, single-subject teachers who left teaching were no more likely than single-subject teachers who were still teaching in April 1997 to report that they had more difficult workloads.

Graduates who taught earned among the lowest annual salaries of their college cohort.² Average annual salaries ranged from about $25,500 for teachers, clerical staff, and personal and service workers to about $41,000 for lawyers and licensed medical professionals (figure C). Graduates in all job categories but clerical staff, personal and service workers, and social work areas had higher average annual salaries than did those who worked as K-12 teachers.

Nearly three-quarters of teachers among 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients would choose to teach if they could go back to their college days and start over again. Undergraduate academic achievement was somewhat associated with graduates' willingness to teach again. Whereas about three-quarters of teachers who had scored in the bottom three quartiles of the CEE score distribution would choose teaching again, about two-fifths of their colleagues in the top quartile would do so. However, graduates' GPAs, both overall and in their majors, were not associated with their willingness to teach again.

Figure C.—Average annual salary* of 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients who were employed full time in April 1997, by occupation

The degree to which teachers had received training in pedagogy was associated with their willingness to teach again. For example, whereas 45 percent of those who had no record of completing a student-teaching assignment and were not certified reported that they would choose teaching again, 80 percent of those certified to teach reported that they would teach again.

One in five 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients who started teaching after college had left teaching as of April 1997.³ Future analyses will determine whether these teachers were stopping out and will return to the classroom later in their working lives. Neither gender nor race/ethnicity was associated with whether new teachers had left teaching without returning. However, graduates with CEE scores in the top quartile were twice as likely as those with scores in the bottom quartile to have left without returning (32 percent vs. 16 percent) (figure D).

In general, in contrast to new teachers who had less training in pedagogy, those with more training were less likely to have left by April 1997. For example, 15 percent of those who had student taught had left as of April 1997, compared with 29 percent of those who had not student taught. Similarly, whereas 14 percent of certified teachers had left as of April 1997, 49 percent of those without certification had done so.

In 1997, all graduates were asked whether they planned to be working full time in 3 years and, if so, what they expected to be doing. Graduates were also asked what work they expected they would do in the longer term. Overall, about 8 percent of graduates expected to be teaching full time in 3 years, and 7 percent expected to be teaching in the longer term. Gender and race/ethnicity were related to graduates' plans for teaching in the future. Whereas 10 percent of women expected to teach full time in 3 years and to teach in the longer term, about 4 percent of men did so. Asian/Pacific Islander graduates were less likely than Hispanic and white, non-Hispanic graduates to expect to teach full time in 3 years or in the longer term. In addition, black, non-Hispanic graduates were about one-half as likely as white, non-Hispanic graduates to expect to teach in the longer term.

As with their entrance into teaching, graduates with higher CEE scores were less likely than graduates with lower scores to expect to teach in the future. For example, whereas 4 percent of top-quartile graduates expected to teach full time in 3 years, 10 percent of those in the bottom quartile did so. Graduates with the lowest GPAs (less than 2.75) were less likely than graduates with GPAs of 2.75 or higher to expect to teach in the future.

Preparation to teach was associated with differences in graduates' expectations for teaching in the future. Fifty-six percent of certified teachers expected to be teaching full time in 3 years, and 44 percent expected to be teaching in the longer term.

Although 13 percent of 1992-93 college graduates had taught by 1997, 8 percent expected to teach full time in 3 years and 7 percent expected to teach in the longer term. Thus, it appears that many graduates who teach soon after college do not expect to spend much time teaching, let alone make it a career. Whether this is also true in other white-collar professions has not yet been studied empirically, however, and remains an important question for future research. If, indeed, new college graduates often change careers regardless of the occupations in which they begin their postbaccalaureate working lives, educators and policymakers who want to improve teacher retention rates may need to address undergraduate career development more generally in addition to teachers' professional preparation, working conditions, and support.

Figure D.—Of 1992-93 bachelor's degree recipients who first taught after receiving the bachelor's degree, percentage distribution according to teaching status in April 1997, by college entrance examination (CEE) score quartile

White, non-Hispanic graduates continue to be more inclined than minority graduates to teach. Asian/Pacific Islander graduates were generally less inclined than graduates of other racial/ethnic backgrounds to teach. Black, non-Hispanic graduates were less inclined than Hispanic or white, non-Hispanic graduates to expect to teach in the longer term. Thus, this cohort's plans for the future do not suggest that the proportion of minority teachers will more closely resemble the proportion of minority students in the future.

Graduates' commitment to teach, whether measured in terms of pedagogical training and certification or expectations for teaching in the future, was associated with their CEE scores and with their undergraduate GPAs, although in opposite directions. Graduates with higher scores were less inclined to teach, while graduates with higher GPAs were more inclined to teach. As has traditionally been true, however, men were less inclined than women to teach, and although men were more likely than women to score in the top quartile of college entrance examination scores, they were less likely to have cumulative GPAs of 3.5 or higher (McCormick, Horn, and Knepper 1996). Therefore, gender differences in teaching may at least partly explain the divergent CEE and GPA findings.

Consistent with such a hypothesis, secondary-level teachers, who are more likely than elementary-level teachers to be men, were also more likely than elementary-level teachers to have scored in the top quartile of the CEE score distribution and were as likely as all graduates to have scored in the top quartile. Secondary teachers were less likely than elementary teachers to have top GPAs, overall and in their majors.

Thus, patterns in teaching behavior among 1992-93 college graduates have continued from their first year out of college through their fourth. Whether these patterns will continue as states and localities both meet the needs of a growing school-age population and attempt to improve the quality of their teaching forces is a question for future research as the B&B:1993 study continues into the next century.

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Data source: The NCES 1993 Baccalaureate and Beyond Longitudinal Study (B&B:1993/1997). For technical information, see the complete report: Henke, R.R., Chen, X., Geis, S., and Knepper, P. (2000). Progress Through the Teacher Pipeline: 1992-93 College Graduates and Elementary/Secondary School Teaching as of 1997 (NCES 2000-152). Author affiliations: R.R. Henke, X. Chen, and S. Geis, MPR Associates, Inc.; P. Knepper, NCES. For questions about content, contact Aurora D'Amico (aurora.d'amico@ed.gov). To obtain the complete report (NCES 2000-152), call the toll-free ED Pubs number (877-433-7827), visit the NCES Web Site (http://nces.ed.gov) , or contact GPO (202-512-1800).