• Introduction
• Changes in Volunteer Service Among Young Adults: 1990-2000
• Volunteering Patterns 2 Years After High School
• Volunteering Patterns 8 Years After High School
• Discussion
• References

Major findings include the following:

• After high school, young adults as a group were less active as community service volunteers (table 2). Forty-four percent of young adults volunteered in high school compared to 33 percent 8 years later, a 25 percent decline.
• Individual volunteering patterns showed large variation. While about 68 percent of young adults volunteered at least once in the three survey periods, 12 percent volunteered consistently across all survey periods (figure 1 and table 2).
• "Consistent volunteers" were more likely to be female (14 percent) than male (11 percent) and from households of higher socioeconomic status (SES) (table 2).
• Females (50 percent) were more likely than males (38 percent) to volunteer in high school, but no differences were detected between the sexes 2 years out of high school (38 percent for males and 39 percent for females) (table 2). Male volunteering declined (to 29 percent) by the 8th year after scheduled high school graduation; no further change was detected in female volunteering (37 percent).
• White young adults (47 percent) were more likely than Black (36 percent) and Hispanic (38 percent) young adults to volunteer in high school (table 2). Eight years after high school, Blacks (41 percent) were more likely than Whites (32 percent), Hispanics (31 percent), and Asians (27 percent) to report volunteering.
• Students from households of high SES were more likely to volunteer in high school (60 percent) than students from households of both low (28 percent) and middle (41 percent) SES (table 2). Eight years later, however, volunteering by individuals from high SES households had dropped 35 percent compared to a 20 percent drop in participation by individuals from middle SES households. However, individuals from high SES households were still more likely to volunteer in the year 2000 than individuals from both low and middle SES households.
• Volunteering in high school was related to later volunteering:

  – Fifty-four percent of adolescents who performed volunteer service in high school (1990–92) volunteered again 2 years later, in 1994, whereas 27 percent of those who did not volunteer in high school volunteered in 1994 (table 3).

  – Forty-two percent of adolescents who performed volunteer service in high school (1990–92) volunteered again 8 years later, in 2000, whereas 26 percent of those who did not volunteer in high school volunteered in 2000 (table 4).
  

• No difference in the likelihood of volunteering 8 years after graduation was detected between young adults who performed only mandatory volunteer service in high school and students who performed no high school volunteering (28 vs. 26 percent, respectively) (table 4). Both of these groups—mandatory and nonvolunteers—were less likely to volunteer 8 years after high school than persons who were strongly encouraged to volunteer or did it for strictly voluntary reasons (43 percent).

Encouraging young adults to volunteer to serve their community is widely viewed as beneficial to the individual as well as to society. In volunteering, individuals can take responsibility for their community, learn to understand the conditions that other people face, and appreciate the value of community participation (Calabrese and Schumer 1986; Youniss, McLellan, and Yates 1997; Nolin et al. 1997; Smith 1999; Metz and Youniss 2003).

Many schools and postsecondary institutions have established programs that promote, and in some cases require, student community service (Frase 1995; Nolin et al. 1997). Education administrators have emphasized student volunteerism by incorporating service experiences into classroom activities and graduation requirements (Kraft 1996; Skinner and Chapman 1999; Stukas, Snyder, and Clary 1999; Eyler 2002). Past research has found that students who participate in these programs tend to have stronger ties to school, peers, and the community, as well as a higher exhibition of other positive social behaviors (Nolin et al. 1997; Youniss, McLellan, and Yates 1997; Smith 1999; Metz and Youniss 2003). Given these potential benefits, it is important to understand the characteristics and patterns of volunteering among young adults.

NELS:88 provides insight into community service from high school through young adulthood. Previous research using the NELS:88 1992 senior class found that 44 percent reported performing community service when asked about the past 2 years (1990–92) (Frase 1995). Females, Whites, Asians, and students from households of higher socioeconomic status were more likely to volunteer than other seniors. In the early 1990s, high school students were most often motivated to volunteer for "strictly voluntary" reasons (table 1). Thirty-eight percent said their participation was strictly voluntary compared to 17 percent who were strongly encouraged by someone else, 7 percent who were required for class, and 9 percent who were required for other reasons.¹

This Brief extends these cross-sectional findings about high school volunteering and examines the volunteering activities and patterns of the same 1992 senior cohort 2 years and 8 years after most cohort members had graduated from high school. The characteristics of young adult volunteers, their motivation for volunteering, and the types of organizations for which they volunteered may have important implications for their participation in community service later in life; encouraging early involvement with volunteer organizations may lead to an enduring habit of service (Smith 1999; Metz and Youniss 2003). By identifying the patterns of persistence and desistence in volunteering by young adults, a portrait of these initial, formative years is described. To that end, this Brief provides estimates of the prevalence and quality of volunteering activities by individual demographic characteristics in 1990–92, 1994, and 2000. Changes in the level of participation and type of volunteering are described over the 10-year period. Finally, the relationship between high school volunteering in 1990–92 and volunteering 8 years later, in 2000, is examined.

This section examines changes in volunteer service participation by young adults, as a group and individually, starting with their high school years in 1990–92, then in 1994, and again in 2000. Individual patterns of volunteer service onset, persistence, and desistence within these three survey periods are compared to the aggregate group patterns. Prevalence and change across these three time periods are examined by sex, race/ethnicity, and 1988 household SES.

Young adults as a group were less active as community service volunteers after high school. Volunteering among this 12th-grade cohort declined 25 percent 8 years after high school, in 2000 (table 2). Forty-four percent of young adults volunteered in high school compared to 33 percent 8 years later. A decrease occurred just 2 years after high school where volunteering declined from 44 percent in 1990–92 to 39 percent in 1994. For the entire 1990–2000 period, however, 68 percent of all young adults reported participating at least once in unpaid community service.

This aggregate pattern is made up of a variety of individual volunteering patterns as shown by the onset, persistence, and desistence across these three survey periods (figure 1 and table 2). While 44 percent of young adults volunteered in high school, 24 percent volunteered in both high school and 1994, and 18 percent volunteered in both high school and 2000. Twelve percent of young adults volunteered consistently across 1990–92, 1994, and 2000, compared to 68 percent who volunteered at least once during the three survey periods.

Consistent volunteers were more likely to be female (14 percent) than male (11 percent). They were also more likely to be from higher SES households. Twenty percent of young adults from high SES households were consistent volunteers compared to 10 percent from middle SES households and 6 percent from low SES households. No differences in the percentage of consistent volunteers were detected between racial/ethnic groups with one exception. All racial/ethnic groups reported higher percentages of consistent volunteers than Native Americans.

A number of young adults volunteered in one period only (table 2). Fourteen percent of young adults volunteered only in high school (1990–92), 9 percent volunteered only in 1994, and another 9 percent only in 2000.

As reported for this same high school senior sample in 1990–92 (Frase 1995), volunteering patterns varied by sex, race/ethnicity, and SES over the 10-year period.

Overall, females were more likely than males to volunteer at least once in this 10-year period (73 percent vs. 63 percent, respectively) (table 2). Females were more likely than males to volunteer in high school (50 percent vs. 38 percent, respectively), but no difference in the level of participation by sex was detected 2 years out of high school (39 percent and 38 percent, respectively). By 2000, however, male volunteering had declined and females were more likely to volunteer than males (37 percent vs. 29 percent, respectively). For males, no differences were detected in the percent volunteering between high school and 2 years after high school (38 percent in both cases). Males were less likely to volunteer 8 years out of high school, in 2000 (29 percent), than they were in both 1990–92 and 1994 (38 percent in both cases).

Examining individual patterns, females were more likely to volunteer both in 1990–92 and 1994, and in 1990–92 and 2000 than males. Twenty-seven percent of females volunteered in both high school and 1994 compared to 21 percent of males. Twenty-one percent of females volunteered in both high school and 2000 compared to 16 percent of males.

Overall, Whites (47 percent) were more likely to volunteer than Blacks (36 percent), Hispanics (38 percent), and Native Americans (19 percent) in high school (1990–92) (table 2). Volunteering among Whites declined 31 percent (from 47 percent to 32 percent) between their high school years (1990–92) and the year 2000. Asians also showed a decrease in volunteering from 1990–92 to 2000 (46 percent vs. 27 percent, respectively).² Whites (69 percent) and Blacks (70 percent) were both more likely than Hispanics (62 percent) to volunteer at least once during the study period.

Examining individual patterns, Whites were more likely to volunteer in 1990–92 and 1994 than Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans. Twenty-six percent of Whites volunteered in high school and 1994 compared to 17 percent of Blacks, 19 percent of Hispanics, 20 percent of Asians, and 10 percent of Native Americans.

Overall, young adults from higher SES households were more likely to volunteer than young adults from lower SES households for all time periods (table 2). In high school, 60 percent of students from high SES households volunteered compared to 41 percent from middle SES households and 28 percent from low SES households. By the year 2000, volunteering by individuals in the high SES households had dropped to 39 percent. However, individuals from high SES households were still more likely to volunteer in the year 2000 than those from both low and middle SES households. Volunteering by individuals from low SES households did not show a detectable change from high school through 1994 and 2000 (28, 26, and 25 percent, respectively). Volunteering by individuals from middle SES households decreased from the 1990–92 high school years (41 percent) to 1994 (35 percent), but no differences were detected between 1994 and 2000 (33 percent).

Examining individual patterns, young adults from high SES households were more likely to volunteer both in 1990–92 and 1994, and in 1990–92 and 2000 than young adults from lower SES households. Thirty-nine percent of individuals from high SES households volunteered in both high school and 1994 compared to 12 and 20 percent of individuals from low and middle SES households, respectively. Twenty-seven percent of individuals from high SES households volunteered in both high school and 2000 compared to 11 and 16 percent of individuals from low and middle SES households, respectively.

Figure 1. Percentage of young adults participating in an unpaid volunteer or community service activity in high school and in subsequent follow-up periods: 1990–92, 1994, and 2000

After high school, many students either go on to a postsecondary educational institution, enter the labor market, or do both.³ These individuals may marry, have children, and live on their own. These life changes place additional constraints on time and finances that may limit involvement in unpaid community service. On the other hand, many colleges and universities provide their students with the opportunities and resources to engage in such service, which may increase the level of participation among young adults. In this section, the characteristics of young adults who perform volunteer service 2 years after high school and the organizations for which they volunteer are examined.⁴

In 1994, 2 years after scheduled high school graduation, 39 percent of the young adult cohort performed some type of unpaid community service (table 3). This was a decline from the 44 percent of the cohort who volunteered in high school (table 2). The type of organization for which young adults volunteered in 1994 was varied (table 3). Twelve percent of young adults volunteered for church-related organizations, 11 percent in hospital settings, and 10 percent for youth organizations.

As noted earlier, 38 percent of males and 39 percent of females volunteered in 1994 (table 3). In 1994, 12 percent of males volunteered for church-related organizations, 11 percent for youth organizations, and 9 percent each for hospitals and for sports clubs. Thirteen percent of females each volunteered for church-related organizations and for hospitals, and 10 percent volunteered for youth organizations.

In 1994, the only racial or ethnic difference detected was the 7 percentage point gap between Whites and Hispanics (table 3). Forty percent of Whites volunteered compared to 33 percent of Hispanics. In terms of organizational preference, Blacks were more likely to volunteer for church-related organizations (15 percent) than any other type of organization.

Some high school volunteering patterns were still evident 2 years later. As in high school, young adults from high SES households were more likely to volunteer than those from middle and low SES households in 1994 (53 percent vs. 35 and 26 percent, respectively) (table 3). This SES pattern also held for specific organizations. Young adults from high SES households were more likely to volunteer for church-related, youth, and hospital organizations than individuals from both middle and low SES households. Young adults from low and middle SES households preferred to volunteer with church-related organizations compared to other types of participation.

Many high schools have implemented community service programs seeking immediate benefits to the student and community; another common intention is to spark a lifetime interest in volunteering (Metz and Youniss 2003; Sobus 1995; Stukas, Snyder, and Clary 1999; Youniss, McLellan, and Yates 1997). Examining the relationship between high school volunteering and volunteering later in life, students who volunteered in high school were more likely to volunteer 2 years later (54 percent) than students who did not volunteer in high school (27 percent) (table 3).

Additionally, the relationship between high school volunteering and future volunteering may be related to the motivation behind high school volunteering. Students who volunteered solely because it was required—mandatory volunteers only—were still more likely to volunteer 2 years later than those who did no volunteering in high school (37 percent vs. 27 percent, respectively). However, both mandatory volunteers and students who did not volunteer were less likely to volunteer in 1994 than students who volunteered because they were strongly encouraged or for strictly voluntary reasons (56 percent).

In the year 2000, 8 years after scheduled high school graduation, many students had graduated from a postsecondary institution and started a career in the labor market.⁵ Others had been working since high school. In addition, this period often involves activities related to family formation and child-rearing, among others. Overall, 33 percent of young adults said they performed volunteer work for either a youth or community organization in 2000 (table 4). No difference was detected between the level of volunteering for either youth or community organizations (21 percent and 22 percent, respectively).

In general, females were more likely than males to volunteer in 2000 (37 percent vs. 29 percent, respectively) (table 4). Females were more likely than males to volunteer for both youth organizations (22 percent vs. 19 percent, respectively) and civic/community organizations (24 percent vs. 20 percent, respectively). Within each sex group, there was no observed preference for either youth or community volunteering.

Blacks were more likely than Whites, Hispanics, and Asians to volunteer in 2000 (41 percent vs. 32, 31, and 27 percent, respectively) (table 4). Among all racial/ethnic groups, only Whites had a volunteering preference for one type of organization over the other. Whites were more likely to volunteer for civic/community organizations than youth organizations (22 percent vs. 20 percent, respectively). In 2000, Blacks (29 percent) were more likely to volunteer for youth organizations than Whites (20 percent), Hispanics (20 percent), and Asians (15 percent). Blacks (27 percent) were also more likely to volunteer for civic or community organizations than Hispanics (19 percent), Asians (19 percent), and Native Americans (13 percent).

In the year 2000, as in all time periods, young adults from higher SES households were more likely to volunteer than young adults from lower SES households (table 4). Thirty-nine percent of persons from high SES households volunteered compared to 33 percent from middle SES households and 25 percent from low SES households. Regardless of service type—youth or civic/community—individuals from low SES households volunteered less often than individuals from both middle and high SES households.

As with the 1994 data in table 3, high school volunteer service was examined in relation to volunteer service in 2000, 8 years after scheduled high school graduation. Once again, young adults who volunteered in high school for any reason were more likely to volunteer in some capacity 8 years later than persons who did not volunteer in high school (42 percent vs. 26 percent) (table 4). However, while the 1994 relationship showed that mandatory volunteers were more likely to volunteer 2 years after high school than nonvolunteers, no difference was detected between these groups in 2000. When comparing the 2000 volunteering of persons whose only reported motivation for high school service was that it had been required—by court order, for school, or for another reason—to that of those who did not volunteer in high school between 1990 and 1992, no difference could be detected (28 percent vs. 26 percent, respectively). Any positive impact that mandatory high school service had on facilitating future volunteer service as demonstrated in 1994 was not detected in 2000. Further, compared to those whose high school service was either strictly voluntary or strongly encouraged, both mandatory volunteers and non-high school volunteers were less likely to volunteer in 2000 regardless of organization type (youth or civic/community).

The findings presented here extend previous research on the volunteering behaviors of young adults by following their activities over a 10-year period. While these findings are not exhaustive or definitive, they point to several trends of interest.

One trend is the general decrease in unpaid community service in the years after high school. As young adults moved on from high school into the worlds of postsecondary education and/or employment, fewer chose to take part in volunteering activities. While about 68 percent volunteered at least once, 12 percent volunteered consistently across the three survey periods. Individual patterns of volunteering revealed a range of onset and differing degrees of persistence among young adults in their volunteering activities. The general decrease in volunteering may result from any number of factors; possible causes include the weakening of incentives for service—such as school credit or approval from prospective postsecondary schools—after high school, a reduced number of visible and easily accessible volunteering opportunities in the lives of college students and young working adults, or a simple change in priorities or reduction in free time after leaving high school. A more detailed examination of this phenomenon would be of interest to those who would promote lifelong volunteering in general, or who belong to groups (e.g., religious organizations) seeking to retain young volunteers as they move into adulthood.

Another notable trend is that overall volunteering decreased after high school for most groups. Specifically, volunteering decreased for Whites, Asians, males, females, and persons from middle and high SES households. The decrease in volunteering followed different patterns over time for these groups; however, examining the social, religious, economic, and/or cultural factors that may play a role in shaping these patterns might contribute to a better understanding of what influences young adults to stop volunteering, or to volunteer persistently.

A final trend of interest concerns the motivation to volunteer. Compulsory unpaid service has long been a subject of debate. Many have raised criticisms; Sobus (1995), for example, questioned the psychological wisdom of schools formally requiring prosocial behaviors. Others charge that such requirements cheapen true voluntarism, can act as a guise for school-sponsored political activism, and may in fact reduce future volunteering (Stukas, Snyder, and Clary 1999). On the other hand, the advent of community service requirements in schools is testament to some school officials' belief that requiring community service is a sound educational practice (Eyler 2002; Metz and Youniss 2003). This movement is supported by research that reports many individual and community benefits associated with volunteering (Metz and Youniss 2003). This debate clearly involves considerations beyond the empirical trends discussed here. Still, those trends are worth noting: there is a positive relationship between high school volunteering that was not motivated solely by a requirement, and later service; and no relationship between high school volunteering motivated by a requirement, and later service.

Data from NELS:88 provide a valuable look at volunteering by young people, an activity that is widely heralded but not fully measured or understood. These empirical findings demonstrate that community service is a common part of the American young adult experience—at some point during the decade following their entry into high school, two-thirds of young people volunteered with churches, youth groups, hospitals, schools, sports teams, or some other organizations. Beyond this basic finding, however, is evidence of great variety in who volunteers, when, and for what. As schools and communities continue to promote unpaid service as a means to individual character and societal improvement, the relevance of empirical data about volunteering among young people will only increase.

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Ingels, S.J., Curtin, T.R., Kaufman, P., Alt, M.N., and Chen, X. (2002). Coming of Age in the 1990s: The Eighth-Grade Class of 1988 12 Years Later (NCES 2002–321). U.S. Department of Education. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics.

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¹These responses were not mutually exclusive; students could have volunteered multiple times for different reasons.

²Although the percentage of Blacks who volunteered appears to increase between 1990–92 and 2000, this increase is not statistically significant.

³In 1994, 56 percent of the 1992 senior cohort reported being enrolled in at least one academic course in a 2- or 4- year college, and 63 percent reported being employed in either full- or part-time jobs. Eighty-eight percent reported being involved in at least one of these activities.

⁴The classification of volunteer organizations did not remain constant across the multiple waves of the NELS:88 survey. This prevents any detailed examination of how adolescent volunteering changed by organization types.

⁵In 2000, 35 percent of the 1992 senior cohort reported having at least a bachelor's degree and 89 percent were employed for pay. See Ingels et al. (2002) for a detailed look at the NELS:88 cohort in 2000.