Chapter 2: Elementary and Secondary Education
This chapter contains a variety of statistics on public and private elementary and secondary education. Data are presented for enrollments, teachers and other school staff, schools, dropouts, achievement, school violence, and revenues and expenditures. These data are derived fom surveys, censuses, and administrative data collections conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) and other public and private organizations. The information ranges from counts of students and schools to state graduation requirements. Public school enrollment data are for fall of the given year. Private school data are available only for odd-numbered years. Information on enrollments is also available in Chapter 1. Discussion in this chapter typically focuses on more recent years, although longer trends are available in the tables.
Enrollments
Public Elementary/Secondary
In fall of 2017—the most recent year of data collection—50.7 million students were enrolled in public elementary and secondary schools, an increase of 2 percent from 49.8 million over the preceding 5 years (table 203.10 and figure 7). At the elementary level, public school enrollment increased 1 percent between 2012 and 2017 (from 35.0 million to 35.5 million), while public secondary enrollment increased 3 percent (from 14.8 million to 15.2 million).1
Although public school enrollment increased overall between 2012 and 2017, this was not true of all racial/ethnic groups. Increases occurred in Hispanic student enrollment (12 percent), Asian student enrollment (11 percent), and enrollment of students of Two or more races (41 percent; table 203.50). Also, the enrollment of Pacific Islander students was 3 percent higher in 2017 than in 2012. In contrast, the enrollment of American Indian/Alaska Native students decreased 7 percent, the enrollment of White students decreased 5 percent, and the enrollment of Black students decreased 1 percent between these years.
From 2012 to 2017, changes in public elementary and secondary school enrollment also varied from state to state. Thirty-four states and the District of Columbia had higher enrollment in 2017 than in 2012, while 16 states had lower enrollment in 2017 than in 2012 (table 203.20 and figure 8). The largest public school enrollment increases occurred in the District of Columbia (15 percent), North Dakota (11 percent), Nevada (9 percent), and Utah (9 percent). The largest decrease in public school enrollment occurred in New Hampshire (5 percent); decreases of 3 percent or more occurred in 4 other states (West Virginia, Connecticut, Illinois, and Mississippi; table 203.20).
Private Elementary/Secondary
Enrollment in private elementary and secondary schools in 2017 (5.7 million) was 9 percent higher than in 2011 (5.3 million; table 105.30). In 2017, private school students made up 10.1 percent of all elementary and secondary school students, which was 0.5 percentage points higher than in 2011.
Preprimary
Sixty-four percent of 3- to 5-year-olds were enrolled in preprimary education (prekindergarten and kindergarten) in 2018, which was not measurably different from the percentage enrolled in 2008 (table 202.10 and figure 9). However, among 3- to 5-year-olds who were enrolled in preprimary education, the percentage enrolled in full-day programs increased from 58 percent in 2008 to 65 percent in 2018. Among 3- to 5-year-old children not yet enrolled in kindergarten, a higher percentage were cared for primarily in center-based programs (49 percent) than had no regular nonparental care (27 percent) or were cared for primarily in home-based settings by relatives (14 percent) or by nonrelatives (8 percent), according to the most recent data from 2016 (table 202.30).
An earlier survey in 2005–06 found that there were differences in the average quality of care 4-year-old children received in these settings. A higher percentage of children in Head Start and other center-based programs (35 percent) received high-quality care than those in home-based relative and nonrelative care (9 percent), according to the ratings of trained observers (web-only table 202.60).
Individuals with Disabilities
The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), enacted in 1975, mandates that children and youth ages 3–21 with disabilities be provided a free and appropriate public school education. The overall percentage of students being served by federally supported special education programs was 14.1 percent in 2018–19 (table 204.30). This was slightly higher than in 2004–05 (13.8 percent), but reflected a 5.8 percentage point increase from 8.3 percent in 1976–77, immediately following the passage of IDEA (table 204.30 and Digest of Education Statistics 2016, table 204.30). Much of the growth in the percentage of students served in programs for those with disabilities is attributable to concurrent increases in the percentage of students identified as having specific learning disabilities, from 1.8 percent in 1976–77 to 5.7 percent in 2004–05. After 2004–05, the percentage of children identified as having specific learning disabilities declined from 5.7 percent of total public school enrollment to 4.7 percent in 2018–19. However, there were different patterns of change in the percentages of students served with some specific conditions between 2004–05 and 2018–19. The percentage of children identified as having autism rose from 0.4 to 1.5 percent of total public school enrollment; the percentage identified as having a developmental delay rose from 0.7 to 0.9 percent; and the percentage with other health impairments (limited strength, vitality, or alertness due to chronic or acute health problems such as a heart condition, tuberculosis, rheumatic fever, nephritis, asthma, sickle cell anemia, hemophilia, epilepsy, lead poisoning, leukemia, or diabetes) rose from 1.1 to 2.1 percent. In contrast, the percentage identified as having speech or language impairments decreased from 3.0 to 2.7 percent and the percentage with intellectual disabilities decreased from 1.2 to 0.9 percent.
In fall 2018, some 95 percent of 6- to 21-year-old students with disabilities were served in regular schools; 3 percent were served in a separate school for students with disabilities; 1 percent were placed in regular private schools by their parents; and less than 1 percent each were served in one of the following environments: homebound or in a hospital, in a separate residential facility, or in a correctional facility (web-only table 204.60).
Teachers and Other School Staff
Teachers
During the 1970s and early 1980s, public school enrollment decreased while the number of teachers generally increased. For public schools, the number of pupils per teacher—that is, the pupil/teacher ratio2—declined from 22.3 in 1970 to 17.9 in 1985 (table 208.20 and figure 7). After enrollment started increasing in 1985, the public school pupil/teacher ratio continued to decline, reaching 17.2 in 1989. After a period of relative stability from the late 1980s through the mid-1990s, the ratio declined from 17.3 in 1995 to 15.3 in 2008, before increasing again to 16.1 in 2013. Following this increase, there was a decrease in the pupil/teacher ratio to 16.0 in 2017. Because some classrooms have multiple teachers, the pupil/teacher ratio is smaller than average class size. The average class size was 21.2 pupils for public elementary schools and 26.8 pupils for public secondary schools in 2011–12, when the most recent data were obtained (table 209.30).
The demographic composition of public school teachers has changed over the last 20 years. In 2017–18, 76 percent of public school teachers were female, up from 75 percent in 1999–2000 (table 209.10). Over the same period, the percentage of public school teachers who were White decreased from 84 percent to 79 percent. The percentage of public school teachers who were Black was 1 percentage point lower in 2017–18 than in 1999–2000 (7 vs. 8 percent). In contrast, the percentage of Hispanic teachers increased from 6 percent of all teachers to 9 percent of all teachers. In 2017–18, about 2 percent of public school teachers were Asian, 2 percent were of Two or more races, 1 percent were American Indian/Alaska Native, and less than 1 percent were Pacific Islander. Changes in the percentage of teachers from different racial/ethnic backgrounds did not mirror demographic changes among students. For instance, although the percentage of teachers who were White decreased by 5 percentage points between 1999–2000 and 2017–18, White teachers still constituted the vast majority of teachers (79 percent). In contrast, the percentage of students who were White decreased 14 percentage points (from 61 percent in 2000 to 48 percent in 2017).
Teachers acquire skills both during formal training and in the classroom. The majority of public school teachers now have formal training culminating in a postbaccalaureate degree (table 209.10). Specifically, the percentage of public school teachers with a master’s or higher degree increased from 47 percent in 1999–2000 to 58 percent in 2017–18. During the same time period, there were shifts in the average experience of public school teachers, with an increase in mid-career teachers. Specifically, the percentage of public school teachers with 10 to 20 years of teaching experience increased from 29 percent in 1999-2000 to 40 percent in 2017-18, while the percentage of teachers with more than 20 years of teaching experience decreased from 32 to 23 percent. The percentage of public school teachers with less than 3 years of teaching experience was lower in 2017–18 (9 percent) than in 1999–2000 (11 percent).
There were differences in the demographics of public and private school teachers in 2017–18. The percentage of private school teachers who were female (74 percent) was lower than the corresponding percentage for public school teachers (76 percent; table 209.10). The percentage of private school teachers who were White (85 percent) was higher than the percentage for public school teachers (79 percent). The percentage of private school teachers with a master’s or higher degree (48 percent) was lower than the percentage for public school teachers (58 percent). However, although there are no comparable figures on teacher experience, the percentage of private school teachers who were age 60 and over (15 percent) was higher than the percentage for public school teachers (7 percent) in 2017–18.
Public school teachers with more years of teaching experience and those with higher levels of education earn higher average salaries than their peers with less experience or lower levels of education. In 2017–18, the average salary among public school teachers who had completed a bachelor’s degree as their highest degree was $50,920 (in constant 2018–19 dollars), compared with $64,430 among those who had completed a master’s degree, $67,890 among those who had an education specialist degree, and $70,960 among those who had a doctor’s degree as their highest degree (table 211.20). Within each level of education, teachers who had more teaching experience had higher salaries than those who had taught for fewer years. For example, average salaries for those who had completed a bachelor’s degree ranged from $43,010 for those with 1 year or less of teaching experience to $65,340 for those who had 30 to 34 years of teaching experience.
Average salaries for public school teachers in 2017–18 were lower than in 1999–2000 for teachers overall, and at the bachelor’s, master’s, and specialist degree levels (after adjusting for inflation in 2018–19 dollars). For example, the average salary for teachers with a master’s degree was $64,430 in 2017–18 compared with $66,910 in 1999–2000 (table 211.20). However, this pattern was not consistent across all combinations of experience and educational attainment.
Public School Principals
Public school principals tend to be older and have more advanced credentials than public school teachers. In 2017–18, some 83 percent of public school principals were over age 40, and 98 percent had a master’s or higher degree (table 212.08). In comparison, only 57 percent of public school teachers were over age 40, and 58 percent had a master’s or higher degree (table 209.10). Relative to the composition of the teacher workforce, principals were also disproportionately male: only 54 percent of principals were female, compared with 76 percent of teachers (tables 209.10 and 212.08).
There were changes in the characteristics of public school principals between 1999–2000 and 2017–18. The percentage of principals who were female increased from 44 percent in 1999–2000 to 54 percent in 2017–18 (table 212.08). The percentage of principals who were White decreased from 82 to 78 percent, while the percentage of principals who were Hispanic increased from 5 to 9 percent. The percentage of principals who were under age 40 was higher in 2017–18 (17 percent) than in 1999–2000 (10 percent), and the percentage who were ages 40 to 44 was also higher in 2017–18 (20 percent) than in 1999–2000 (13 percent). In contrast, the percentage who were ages 50 to 54 in 2017–18 (18 percent) was lower than in 1999–2000 (32 percent). The percentage of principals who had 20 or more years of experience as a principal was lower in 2017–18 (4 percent) than in 1999–2000 (11 percent). The percentage of principals with 3 or fewer years of experience as a principal was higher in 2017–18 (37 percent) than in 1999–2000 (30 percent). The average salary for public school principals in 2017–18 was $100,340 (in 2018–19 dollars; web-only table 212.10).
School Staff
From 1969–70 to 1980, there was an 8 percent increase in the number of public school teachers, compared with a 48 percent increase in the number of all other public school staff3 (table B and table 213.10). Consequently, the percentage of staff who were teachers declined from 60 percent in 1969–70 to 52 percent in 1980. From 1980 to 2017, the number of teachers and the number of all other staff grew at more similar rates (45 and 70 percent, respectively) than they did in the 1970s. As a result, the proportion of teachers among total staff was 4 percentage points lower in 2017 than in 1980, in contrast to the decrease of 8 percentage points during the 1970s. The numbers of staff in two categories increased more than 100 percent between 1980 and 2017: the number of instructional aides rose 153 percent, and the number of instruction coordinators rose 366 percent. Taken together, the percentage of staff with direct instructional responsibilities (teachers and instructional aides) was higher in 2017 (61 percent) than in 1980 (60 percent). In 2017, there were 8 pupils per staff member (total staff) at public schools, compared with 10 pupils per staff member in 1980 (table 213.10). At private schools in 2011–12, the number of pupils per staff member was 6 (web-only table 205.60).
In more recent years, the numbers of most types of staff have increased. Overall, the number of public school staff increased 6 percent between fall 2012 and fall 2017 (table 213.10). The number of officials and administrators rose 14 percent during this period, and the number of principals and assistant principals rose 12 percent. Also, the number of instruction coordinators rose 35 percent, the number of instructional aides rose 13 percent, and the number of support staff rose 8 percent. The number of teachers rose 2 percent between fall 2012 and fall 2017, and the number of guidance counselors increased 11 percent. In contrast, the number of librarians decreased by 9 percent during this period.
Schools
Total Schools
Despite an increase in the number of students, the number of public schools declined in the United States, reflecting a trend toward consolidating small schools during most of the last century. In 1929–30, there were approximately 248,000 public schools, compared with about 98,500 in 2017–18 (table 214.10). However, the number of public schools has increased in recent decades: Between 1988–89 and 2006–07, there was an increase of approximately 15,600 schools, up to a total of 98,800. Since 2006–07, the number of public schools has remained relatively stable, varying by fewer than 500 schools from year to year.
While the total number of public schools in the country has remained relatively stable in recent years, new schools have opened and some schools have closed. In 2017–18, there were 1,310 school closures (web-only table 216.95). The schools that closed had enrolled about 267,000 students in the prior school year (2016–17). Of the schools that closed, 889 were regular schools, 217 were special education schools, 13 were vocational schools, and 191 were alternative schools. Of these closed schools, 247 were classified as charter schools. The number of schools that closed in 2017–18 was higher than the number in 2015–16 (1,160) or 2016–17 (1,098); however, the number of annual school closures fluctuated during the 2000–01 to 2017–18 period, ranging from 1,098 to 2,168. School closures do not necessarily reflect the number of school buildings that have been closed, since a school may share a building with another school, or one school may have multiple buildings.
School Structure
Since the early 1970s, public school systems have been shifting away from junior high schools (schools consisting of either grades 7 and 8 or grades 7–9) and moving toward middle schools (a subset of elementary schools beginning with grade 4, 5, or 6 and ending with grade 6, 7, or 8). The number of all public elementary schools (schools beginning with grade 6 or below and ending with grade 8 or below) increased 5 percent, between 1970–71 and 2017–18, (from 64,000 to 67,400), and the number of middle schools increased by 546 percent (from 2,100 in 1970–71 to 13,400 in 2017–18; table 216.10). During the same period, the number of junior high schools declined by 68 percent (from 7,800 in 1970–71 to 2,500 in 2017–18). Compared over more recent years, the number of all elementary schools was less than 1 percent higher in 2017–18 than in 2007–08, while the subset of middle schools rose by 3 percent, from 13,000 to 13,400. During the same period, the number of junior high schools declined by 20 percent, from 3,100 to 2,500. The total number of secondary schools decreased 3 percent, from 24,600 in 2007–08 to 23,900 in 2017–18.
The average number of students in public elementary schools increased from 469 in 2007–08 to 483 in 2017–18 (table 216.45). The average enrollment size of public secondary schools was also higher in 2017–18 (709) than in 2007–08 (704). However, considering only regular public secondary schools—which exclude alternative, special education, and vocational education schools—average enrollment size was lower in 2017–18 (804) than in 2007–08 (816).
School Choice
Over the past two decades, the range of options that parents have for the education of their children has expanded. Private schools have been a traditional alternative to public school education, but there are now more options for parents to choose public charter schools, and more parents are also homeschooling their children. Between fall 1999 and fall 2017, enrollment in private elementary and secondary schools decreased from 6.0 million to 5.7 million, a decline of 0.3 million or 5 percent (table 105.30). Although private school enrollment declined through much of this period, it was higher in fall 2017 (5.7 million) than in fall 2011 (5.3 million). From fall 1999 to fall 2017, the percentage of students who were enrolled in private schools declined from 11.4 percent to 10.1 percent. In contrast, enrollment in public charter schools increased between fall 1999 and fall 2017, rising from 0.3 million to 3.1 million, an increase of 2.8 million students or 825 percent (table 216.20). During this period, the percentage of public elementary and secondary school students who were in charter schools increased from 0.7 percent to 6.2 percent. In addition, there has been an increase in the number and percentage of 5- to 17-year-olds who are homeschooled (table 206.10 and web-only table 206.20). About 1.7 million children were homeschooled in 2016, compared with 0.9 million in 1999.4 This also reflects an increase in the percentage of 5- to 17-year-olds who were homeschooled, from 1.7 percent in 1999 to 3.3 percent in 2016.
Today, charter schools are the archetypical form of school choice available to parents within the public education sector; however, there is also opportunity for school choice among traditional public schools. In 2016, the parents of 41 percent of all students in grades 1–12 indicated that public school choice was available to them (web-only table 206.40). Also in 2016, some 20 percent of the students in grades 1–12 were enrolled in public schools chosen by their families (Digest of Education Statistics 2017, table 206.30). Of the remaining 80 percent of students, 71 percent attended an assigned public school and 9 percent attended a private school. Not all school choice options are equally accessible to all families—private schools require personal financial investments for tuition, while public choice options are more prevalent in urban districts—and there were differences by some characteristics in the percentages of students who attended public schools chosen by their parents and the percentages of students who attended private schools in 2016. The percentage of students attending chosen public schools was higher for students living in cities (31 percent) than for students in suburban areas (17 percent), towns (14 percent), and rural areas (11 percent). Meanwhile, the percentage of students attending private schools was higher for students whose parents had a bachelor’s degree (13 percent) or graduate degree (18 percent) than for students whose parents had less than a high school diploma (5 percent), only a high school diploma (4 percent), or only some college or a vocational degree (6 percent). Conversely, a lower percentage of students whose parents had completed only a bachelor’s degree (18 percent) were enrolled in chosen schools, compared with students whose parents had not completed high school (23 percent) or who had only completed high school (21 percent). There were also some differences in the percentage of students in chosen public versus private schools by student race. The percentage of students attending chosen public schools was higher for Black students (32 percent) and Hispanic students (25 percent) than for White students (14 percent). In contrast, the percentage attending private schools was higher for White students (11 percent) than for Black students (8 percent) and Hispanic students (6 percent).
Compared with students in assigned public schools, a higher percentage of students in chosen public schools had parents who were very satisfied with some elements of their children’s education in 2016 (web-only table 206.50). Specifically, among students in grades 3 through 12, the percentage of students whose parents were very satisfied with their school was higher for students in chosen schools (60 percent) than for students in assigned schools (54 percent). Similarly, the percentage of students whose parents were very satisfied with their school’s academic standards was higher for students in chosen schools (60 percent) than for students in assigned schools (53 percent). Also, higher percentages of students in chosen schools than in assigned schools had parents who were very satisfied with school order and discipline (57 vs. 53 percent) as well as with staff interaction with parents (51 vs. 47 percent). There was no measurable difference in the percentage of students who had parents who were highly satisfied with the teachers in their school, whether assigned or chosen.
High School Graduates and Dropouts
About 3,663,000 high school students were projected to graduate during the 2020–21 school year (based on pre-pandemic data), including 3,302,000 public school graduates and 360,000 private school graduates (table 219.10). High school graduates include only recipients of diplomas, not recipients of equivalency credentials. The 2020–21 projection of high school graduates is slightly lower than the prior record high projection of 3,674,000 graduates for 2018–19, but it exceeds the baby boom era’s high point in 1975–76, when 3,142,000 students earned diplomas. In 2017–18, about 85 percent of public high school students graduated with a regular diploma within 4 years of first starting 9th grade, which reflects an increase since 2010–11 (79 percent; table 219.46). This rate is known as the 4-year adjusted cohort graduation rate (ACGR).
The status dropout rate has decreased since 2000. The status dropout rate is the percentage of the civilian noninstitutionalized 16- to 24-year-old population who are not enrolled in school and who have not completed a high school program, regardless of when they left school. (People who left school but went on to receive a GED credential are not treated as dropouts.) Between 2000 and 2018, the status dropout rate declined from 10.9 to 5.7 percent (table 219.70). During this period, the status dropout rate for Black 16- to 24-year-olds declined from 13.1 to 5.8 percent and the rate for Hispanic 16- to 24-year-olds declined from 27.8 to 9.0 percent. In 2018, the status dropout rate for White 16- to 24-year-olds (4.5 percent) was lower than the rate for Hispanic 16- to 24-year-olds, but it was not measurably different from the rate for Black 16- to 24-year-olds.
Achievement
Much of the student performance data in the Digest are drawn from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). The NAEP assessments have been conducted using three basic designs: the national main NAEP, state NAEP (which includes the Trial Urban District Assessment), and national long-term trend NAEP. The main NAEP reports current information for the nation and specific geographic regions of the country. The assessment program includes students drawn from both public and private schools and reports results for student achievement at grades 4, 8, and 12. The main NAEP assessments follow the frameworks developed by the National Assessment Governing Board and use the latest advances in assessment methodology. Because the assessment items reflect curricula associated with specific grade levels, the main NAEP uses samples of students at those grade levels.
Since 1990, NAEP assessments have also been conducted at the state level. Each participating state receives assessment results that report on the performance of students in that state. In its content, the state assessment is identical to the assessment conducted nationally. From 1990 through 2001, the national sample was a subset of the combined sample of students assessed in each participating state along with an additional sample from the states that did not participate in the state assessment. For mathematics, reading, science, and writing assessments since 2002, a combined sample of public schools has been selected for 4th- and 8th-grade national NAEP and state NAEP (including the Trial Urban District Assessment).
NAEP long-term trend assessments are designed to give information on the changes in the basic achievement level of America’s youth since the early 1970s. They are administered nationally and report student performance in reading and mathematics at ages 9, 13, and 17. Measuring long-term trends of student achievement requires the precise replication of past procedures. For example, students of specific ages are sampled in order to maintain consistency with the original sample design. Similarly, the long-term trend instrument does not evolve based on changes in curricula or in educational practices. The differences in procedures between the main NAEP and the long-term trend NAEP mean that their results cannot be compared directly.
The following paragraphs discuss results for the national main NAEP, state NAEP, and long-term trend NAEP. Readers should keep in mind that comparisons of NAEP scores in the text (like all comparisons of estimates in the Digest) are based on statistical testing of unrounded values.
Reading
Main NAEP
The main NAEP reading assessment data are reported on a scale of 0 to 500. For 4th-grade students, the average reading score in 2019 (220) was lower than the score in 2017 (222) but was higher than the 1992 score (217; table 221.10). This pattern held for certain racial/ethnic groups (White and Black students), but not for others (Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaska Native students). Specifically, at grade 4, the 2019 reading scores for White (230) and Black (204) students were lower than the corresponding scores in 2017 (232 and 206, respectively), but higher than in 1992 (224 and 192, respectively). In contrast, the 4th-grade reading scores for Hispanic (209) and Asian/Pacific Islander (237) students were not measurably different in 2019 than in 2017, but the scores for both groups were higher in 2019 than in 1992 (197 and 216, respectively). For American Indian/Alaska Native students, the average 4th-grade reading score in 2019 (204) was not measurably different from the scores in either 2017 or 1994 (1994 was the first year data were available for 4th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students).
From 1992 through 2019, the average reading scores for White 4th-graders were higher than those for their Black and Hispanic peers. Although the White-Black achievement gap did not change measurably from 2017 to 2019, the achievement gap narrowed from 32 points in 1992 to 27 points in 2019. The White-Hispanic achievement gap in 2019 (21 points) was smaller than the achievement gap in 2017 (23 points), but it was not measurably different from the achievement gap in 1992.
At grade 8, the average reading score in 2019 (263) was lower than the score in 2017 (267), but it was higher than the score in 1992 (260). The reading scores for White (272), Black (244), and Hispanic (252) 8th-grade students in 2019 were lower than the corresponding scores in 2017 (275, 249, and 255, respectively), but the score for each group was higher in 2019 than in 1992 (267, 237, and 241, respectively). The reading score for 8th-grade Asian/Pacific Islander students in 2019 (281) was not measurably different from the score in 2017, but it was higher than the score in 1992 (268). The reading score for 8th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students in 2019 (248) was lower than the score in 2017 (253), but it was not measurably different from the score in 1994 (1994 was the first year data were available for 8th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students).
From 1992 through 2019, the average reading score for White 8th-graders was higher than the scores for their Black and Hispanic peers. The White-Black achievement gap in 2019 (28 points) was larger than the White-Black achievement gap in 2017 (25 points), but it was not measurably different from the achievement gap in 1992. Although the White-Hispanic achievement gap at grade 8 did not change measurably from 2017 to 2019, the achievement gap narrowed from 26 points in 1992 to 20 points in 2019.
The average reading scores for 4th- and 8th-grade students varied by state. Although 4th-grade reading scores fell nationally from 2017 to 2019, they were higher in 2019 than in 2017 in one state (Mississippi) and showed no measurable change in 32 states and the District of Columbia (table 221.40). In the remaining 17 states, 4th-grade reading scores were lower in 2019 than in 2017. The reading score for 8th-grade students was higher in 2019 than in 2017 in the District of Columbia, but the scores showed no measurable change in 19 states (table 221.60). In the remaining 31 states, the reading scores for 8th-grade students were lower in 2019 than in 2017.
For 12th-grade students, the most recent scores available are from 2015. The reading score for 12th-grade students in 2015 (287) was not measurably different from the score in 2013, but it was lower than the score in 1992 (292; table 221.10). At grade 12, the reading scores in 2015 for White (295), Hispanic (276), and Asian/Pacific Islander (297) students were not measurably different from the scores in 2013 and 1992. For Black students, the 2015 reading score (266) was lower than the 1992 score (273), but it was not measurably different from the 2013 score. The reading score for American Indian/Alaska Native students in 2015 (279) was not measurably different from the scores in 2013 and 1994 (1994 was the first year data were available for 12th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students).
The White-Black achievement gap for 12th-grade students was larger in 2015 (30 points) than in 1992 (24 points), while the White-Hispanic achievement gap in 2015 (20 points) was not measurably different from the achievement gap in any previous assessment year.
Long-Term NAEP
Reported on a scale of 0 to 500, NAEP long-term trend results in reading are available for 13 assessment years going back to the first in 1971. The average reading score for 9-year-olds was higher in 2012 (221) than in assessment years prior to 2008, increasing 5 points since 2004 and 13 points since 1971 (web-only table 221.85). The score for 13-year-olds in 2012 (263) was higher than in all previous assessment years except for 1992. The score for 17-year-olds was higher in 2012 (287) than in 2004 (283), but it was not measurably different from the score in 1971 (285).
White, Black, and Hispanic 9-, 13-, and 17-year-old students all had higher average reading scores in 2012 than they did in the first assessment year (which was 1975 for Hispanic students because separate data for Hispanics were not collected in 1971). The scores were higher in 2012 than in 2004 for White, Black, and Hispanic students at all three ages (web-only table 221.85). Reading results for 2012 continued to show gaps in scores between White and Black students (ranging from 23 to 26 points, depending on age) and between White and Hispanic students (about 21 points at all three ages). The White-Black and White-Hispanic achievement gaps were smaller in 2012 than in the first assessment year at all three ages. For example, the White-Black reading gap for 17-year-olds was 53 points in 1971 compared with 26 points in 2012. Similarly, the White-Hispanic gap for 17-year-olds narrowed from 41 points in 1975 to 21 points in 2012.
In 2012, female 9-, 13-, and 17-year-old students continued to have higher average reading scores than male students at all three ages (web-only table 221.85). The gap between male and female 9-year-olds was 5 points in 2012; this was narrower than the gap in 1971 (13 points). The 8-point gender gap for 13-year-olds in 2012 was not measurably different from the gap in 1971. At age 17, the 8-point gap between males and females in 2012 was not measurably different from the gap in 1971.
Mathematics
Main NAEP
The main NAEP mathematics assessment data for 4th- and 8th-graders are reported on a scale of 0 to 500. The average mathematics score for 4th-grade students in 2019 (241) was higher than the scores in both 2017 (240) and 1990 (213; table 222.10). At grade 4, the average mathematics scores in 2019 for Asian/Pacific Islander (260), White (249), and Black (224) students were not measurably different from the corresponding scores in 2017, but the mathematics score for each group was higher in 2019 than in 1990 (225, 220, and 188, respectively). The 2019 mathematics score for 4th-grade Hispanic students (231) was higher than the scores in both 2017 (229) and 1990 (200). The 2019 mathematics score for 4th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students (227) was not measurably different from the scores in 2017 and 1996 (1996 was the first year data were available for 4th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students).
In 2019 and in all assessment years since 1990, the average mathematics scores for White students in grade 4 have been higher than those of their Black and Hispanic peers. Although the White-Black and White-Hispanic achievement gaps at grade 4 did not change measurably from 2017 to 2019, the White-Black achievement gap narrowed from 32 points in 1990 to 25 points in 2019. The 4th-grade White-Hispanic achievement gap in 2019 (18 points) was not measurably different from the gap in 1990.
For 8th-grade students, the average mathematics score in 2019 (282) was lower than the score in 2017 (283), but it was higher than the score in 1990 (263). At grade 8, the mathematics scores for Asian/Pacific Islander (310), White (292), Hispanic (268), and Black (260) students in 2019 were not measurably different from the corresponding scores in 2017, but the score for each group was higher in 2019 than in 1990 (275, 270, 246, and 237, respectively). The mathematics score for 8th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students in 2019 (262) was lower than the score in 2017 (267), but it was not measurably different from the score in 2000 (2000 was the first year data were available for 8th-grade American Indian/Alaska Native students).
In 2019 and in all assessment years since 1990, the average mathematics scores for White students in grade 8 have been higher than the scores for their Black and Hispanic peers. At grade 8, the White-Black (32 points) and White-Hispanic (24 points) achievement gaps in 2019 were not measurably different from the corresponding gaps in 2017 and 1990.
For 12th-grade students, the average mathematics score in 2015 (152) was lower than the score in 2013 (153), but it was not measurably different from the score in 2005, the earliest year with comparable data. At grade 12, the mathematics scores for Asian/Pacific Islander (170), White (160), Hispanic (139), and Black (130) students in 2015 were not measurably different from the scores in 2013, but the score for each group was higher in 2015 than in 2005 (163, 157, 133, and 127, respectively). The mathematics score for American Indian/Alaska Native students in 2015 (138) was not measurably different from the scores in 2013 and 2005.
In 2015, the mathematics score for White 12th-grade students was 30 points higher than the score for their Black peers and 22 points higher than the score for their Hispanic peers. The White-Black and White-Hispanic gaps in 2015 were not measurably different from the corresponding gaps in 2005 and 2013.
Long-Term NAEP
NAEP long-term trend mathematics results, reported on a scale of 0 to 500, are available for 12 assessment years, going back to the first in 1973. In 2012, the average mathematics score for 9-year-olds (244) was higher than in all assessment years prior to 2008 (web-only table 222.85). The score for 9-year-olds in 2012 was 5 points higher than in 2004 and 25 points higher than in 1973. The score for 13-year-olds in 2012 (285) was higher than in all previous assessment years. For 13-year-olds, the score in 2012 was 6 points higher than in 2004 and 19 points higher than in 1973. In contrast, the score for 17-year-olds in 2012 (306) was not measurably different from the scores in 2004 and in 1973.
White, Black, and Hispanic 9-, 13-, and 17-year-olds all had higher average mathematics scores in 2012 than in 1973 (web-only table 222.85). In comparison to 2004, scores were higher in 2012 for White 9- and 13-year-olds; Hispanic 13-year-olds; and Black 13-year-olds. Mathematics results for 2012 continued to show achievement gaps between White and Hispanic students (ranging from 17 to 21 points [based on unrounded scores], depending on age) and between White and Black students (ranging from 25 to 28 points). For 9-year-olds, the White-Black gap was lower in 2012 than in 1973. For 13- and 17-year-olds, both the White-Black and the White-Hispanic gaps were lower in 2012 than in 1973. For example, among 17-year-olds, the White-Black gap was 40 points in 1973 compared with 26 points in 2012, and the White-Hispanic gap was 33 points in 1973 compared with 19 points in 2012.
While there was no significant difference between the average mathematics scores of male and female 9- and 13-year-olds in 2012, among students still in high school at age 17, male students scored higher than female students (web-only table 222.85). At age 17, the 4-point gender score gap in 2012 was smaller than the gap in 1973 (8 points).
Science
Main NAEP
NAEP has assessed the science abilities of students in grades 4, 8, and 12 in both public and private schools since 1996. As of 2009, however, NAEP science assessments are based on a new framework, so results from these assessments cannot be compared with results from earlier science assessments. Scores are based on a scale ranging from 0 to 300 (table 223.10). In 2015, the average 4th-grade science score (154) was higher than the score in 2009 (150). The 8th-grade science score in 2015 (154) was higher than the scores in 2009 (150) and in 2011 (152). The 12th-grade science score in 2015 (150) was not measurably different from the score in 2009.
While the scores for White 4th- and 8th-grade students remained higher than those for their Black and Hispanic peers in 2015, racial/ethnic achievement gaps in 2015 were smaller than in 2009. For example, at grade 4, the White-Black achievement gap was 36 points in 2009 and 33 points in 2015, and the White-Hispanic achievement gap was 32 points in 2009 and 27 points in 2015. For 12th-grade students, in contrast, science scores for White students remained higher than those for their Black and Hispanic peers in 2015, and these racial/ethnic achievement gaps were not measurably different from 2009. In addition, the 5-point gender gap, which favored male 12th-graders, in 2015 was not measurably different from the gap in 2009.
Skills of Young Children
In addition to student performance data available through NAEP, the Digest presents data from other surveys to provide additional perspectives on student achievement. Differences among demographic groups in the acquisition of cognitive skills have been demonstrated at relatively early ages in the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Class of 2010–11 (ECLS-K:2011). Possible scores for the mathematics assessment range from 0 to 159, and possible scores for the reading assessment range from 0 to 167.
Children who enrolled in kindergarten for the first time in 2010–11 showed similar patterns of score differences across racial/ethnic and socioeconomic status (SES) groups for both mathematics and reading. In fall 2010, average mathematics scores were higher for first-time kindergartners from high-SES families (43) than for those from low-SES families (29). White (39) and Asian (41) first-time kindergartners had higher mathematics scores than their Black (32), Hispanic (31), and American Indian/Alaska Native (33) peers (table 220.40 and web-only table 220.41). Similarly, average early reading scores in fall 2010 were higher for White (56) and Asian (59) first-time kindergartners than for their Black (53), Hispanic (51), and American Indian/Alaska Native (50) peers. High-SES children (61) had higher early reading scores than low-SES children (49).
School Violence
In 2017–18, some 71 percent of public schools reported one or more violent incidents, such as a serious violent incident, a physical attack, or a threat of a physical attack (table 229.10). This 2017–18 percentage was not measurably different from the percentage of schools reporting violent incidents in 1999–2000. Serious violent incidents is a subcategory of violent incidents that includes the crimes of rape, sexual assault, robbery, and aggravated assault. The percentage of schools reporting a serious violent incident in 2017–18 (21 percent) also was not measurably different from the percentage reporting a serious violent incident in 1999–2000. The percentage of schools reporting a physical attack or fight without a weapon in 2017–18 (66 percent) was not measurably different from the percentage in 1999–2000; however, the percentage of schools reporting a physical attack or fight with a weapon in 2017–18 (3 percent) was lower than the percentage in 1999–2000 (5 percent). Also, the percentage of schools reporting a threat of a physical attack without a weapon in 2017–18 (41 percent) was lower than the percentage in 1999–2000 (52 percent). One percent of public schools reported that a rape had occurred in 2017–18, which was not measurably different from the percentage in 1999–2000; however, the percentage of schools that reported that some other type of sexual assault had occurred in 2017–18 (5 percent) was higher than the percentage in 1999–2000 (2 percent). The percentage of schools reporting that a theft/larceny had occurred in 2017–18 (33 percent) was lower than in 1999–2000 (46 percent), and also the percentage reporting that vandalism had occurred in 2017–18 (33 percent) was lower than in 1999–2000 (51 percent). Overall, schools reported 20 violent incidents per 1,000 students in 2017–18, which was lower than the 31 violent incidents per 1,000 students reported in 1999–2000 (web-only table 229.20).
On the National Crime Victimization Survey, students ages 12 to 18 reported a decrease in victimizations at school between 2000 and 2018 (web-only table 228.20). The total victimization rates for students ages 12 to 18 declined 61 percent, from 85 victimizations per 1,000 students in 2000 to 33 victimizations per 1,000 students in 2018. This pattern of decline in total victimization rates between 2000 and 2018 also held for thefts and violent victimizations overall. Thefts at school declined from a rate of 49 thefts per 1,000 students to 9 thefts per 1,000 students. The rate of violent victimization at school declined overall from 36 victimizations per 1,000 students in 2000 to 24 victimizations per 1,000 students in 2018. The rate of violent victimizations excluding simple assault at school was 6 per 1,000 students in 2018, which was not measurably different from the rate in 2000. The victimization rates for theft declined more rapidly than the victimization rates for violent crimes. In 2000, the victimization rates for theft were higher than the rates for violent crimes, but in 2018 the victimization rates for theft were lower than the rates for violent crimes.
Revenues and Expenditures
After adjustment for inflation, current expenditures per student at public schools (based on fall enrollment) rose during the 1980s but remained stable during the first part of the 1990s. There was an increase of 37 percent from 1980–81 to 1990–91, followed by minor fluctuations from 1990–91 to 1994–95 (table 236.55 and figure 10). Current expenditures per student increased 34 percent from 1994–95 to 2008–09 but declined 5 percent from 2008–09 to 2012–13. Current expenditures per student increased 9 percent between 2012–13 and 2016–17, reaching $12,258 in unadjusted dollars.
The federal share of public school revenues in 2016–17 (8.1 percent) was lower than in 2006–07 (8.5 percent; table 235.10 and figure 11). Also, the state share in 2016–17 (47.0 percent) was lower than in 2006–07 (47.4 percent). The remaining, local, share in 2016–17 (44.9 percent) was higher than in 2006–07 (44.1 percent).
1 Public elementary enrollment includes students in prekindergarten through grade 8 as well as elementary ungraded students. Public secondary enrollment includes students in grades 9 through 12 as well as secondary ungraded students and students reported as being enrolled in grade 13.
2 The pupil/teacher ratio is based on all teachers—including teachers of students with disabilities and other special teachers—and all students enrolled in the fall of the school year. Unlike the pupil/teacher ratio, the average class size excludes students and teachers in classes that are exclusively for special education students. Class size averages are based on surveys of teachers reporting on the counts of students in their classes.
3 “All other public school staff” includes administrative staff, principals, librarians, guidance counselors, secretaries, custodial staff, food service workers, school bus drivers, and other professional and nonprofessional staff.
4 The number of homeschooled children in 1999 is from Homeschooling in the United States: 1999 (NCES 2001-033), available at https://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2001033. While National Household Education Surveys Program (NHES) administrations prior to 2012 were administered via telephone with an interviewer, NHES:2016 used self-administered paper-and-pencil questionnaires that were mailed to respondents. Measurable differences in estimates between 1999 and 2016 could reflect actual changes in the population, or the changes could be due to the mode change from telephone to mail.